Quote:

Israeli Official: Obama Will Make Netanyahu Pay' If Reelected

Many Israeli officials aren't taking the Obama administration's signals very well

by John Glaser, September 01, 2012

Some Israeli security officials are trying to downplay the Pentagon's decision to significantly scale back its participation in a US-Israeli military exercise, even though it was pretty clearly meant as a signal that Washington doesn't support Israel's march to war with Iran.
"Israel has no idea why the Americans decided to reduce the number of troops it will send to the drill," one security official told the Jerusalem Post. "The ties between the US and Israeli armies are strong, and we would have known if the reduction had something to do with any tensions between Jerusalem and Washington."
The exercise, scheduled to begin in September, will include only about 1,200 US troops, as opposed to the initially planned 5,000.
Other Israelis clearly see the move for what it is. "Basically what the Americans are saying is, We don't trust you,'" another senior Israeli military official told Time magazine.
"I think they don't want to insinuate that they are preparing something together with the Israelis against Iran that's the message," says Israeli analyst Efraim Inbar.
A rift has been growing between the administrations of Barack Obama and Benjamin Netanyahu over whether to launch an unprovoked war of choice against Iran for a nuclear weapons program it doesn't even have.
"The US elections are in two months, and there is no doubt that President Barack Obama, if he is reelected, will make Netanyahu pay for his behavior," said an Israeli security cabinet member. "It will not pass quietly."
http://news.antiwar.com/2012/09/01/israeli-official-obama-will-make-netanyahu-pay-if-reelected/

Quote:Dempsey's DissentJoint Chiefs chairman stands up for America because Obama won't
by Justin Raimondo, September 05, 2012
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The President of the United States may not have the cojones to stand up to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but the chairman of the Joint Chiefs does and he's doing it!
When Gen. Martin Dempsey told British reporters he did not want the US to be "complicit" in an Israeli attack on Iran, the boys in Tel Aviv were crushed. For weeks Netanyahu & Co. had been telling anyone who would listen that the US would haveno choice but to be sucked into a devastating regional war in the event of an Israeli first strike on Tehran: their tone was almost gleeful. In the absence of a direct response from the White House, it looked like the Israelis had us over a barrel: the American giant, it seemed, was helpless in the face of the Israeli pygmy's deft manipulations. Then came Dempsey, whose comments put the kibosh on Israel's blackmail threats and threw Netanyahu's government into a panic:
"Dempsey's stark comments made clear to the world that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was isolated and that if he opted for war, he would jeopardize all-important ties with the Jewish state's closest ally.
"'Israeli leaders cannot do anything in the face of a very explicit no' from the U.S. president. So they are exploring what space they have left to operate,' said Giora Eiland, who served as national security adviser from 2003 to 2006. Dempsey's announcement changed something. Before, Netanyahu said the United States might not like (an attack), but they will accept it the day after. However, such a public, bold statement meant the situation had to be reassessed.'"
"Dempsey's announcement changed something" it's the understatement of the year, perhaps the decade. Because this is the first time since the days of George Herbert Walker Bush that a major player has reminded that Shitty Little Country of its littleness. For months, the Israelis have been going around acting like they are the superpower, and we are a minuscule dependency relying entirely on our patron's generosity and endless forbearance.
Or maybe not so endless, at least as far as the US military is concerned. You'll recall that in the run up to the invasion of Iraq, a number of high-ranking officers spoke out in public against the lunacy of believing we could march in and turn the place into an American suburb. They questioned the low-ball estimates of troop strength and other resources required for an extended occupation, and the neocons were telling them to get back into their barracks.
They don't like Dempsey much, and after this they'll like him much less: in their eyes he's just a tool of the Obama administration. Yet even if this is true, and Gen. Dempsey is speaking out at the behest of the White House, haven't we come to a sorry pass when the President of the United States cannot speak in his own name and on his own authority about an issue vital to our national security? What a testament to the power of the Israel Lobby. Not bad for a pressure group that supposedly doesn't even exist.
The real problem, however, is that Dempsey in all probability is speaking for himself, and didn't require any prompting from the White House. Nor is this the first time the military has signaled its opposition to striking Iran. With US military assets in the region vulnerable to an Iranian counterattack, I wouldn't be surprised if those alleged secret contacts between Washington and Tehran (via European intermediaries) were made at the military's insistence: the first instinct of a commander, after all, is to protect his troops. In effect, the Israelis, by constantly threatening a first strike at Tehran, are holding the tens of thousands of US military personnel in the region hostage because they will be likely targets of an Iranian counterattack. With the White House maintaining radio silence on this issue, Dempsey and the generals had no choice but to go public in order to protect their own.
There was a time when the separation of the military and the civilian in politics was strictly observed. While a soldier can still be disciplined for speaking at a Ron Paul rally, the higher ups have a bit more leeway. In the age of empire, the dissolution of the bright line between the civilian and the military is only a matter of time: what's interesting, however, is that no would-be Caesar has arisen to personify the militarist spirit although I wouldn't rule it out. Instead, those military figures who have taken a public stance on these matters almost universally urge caution and restraint.
With back to back deployments, and two wars without a victory, what does the Pentagon have to look forward to but a third war, one which promises to be regional in scope. Little wonder they're beginning to make their opposition known.
Dempsey can't be the only soldier who resents taking marching orders from Netanyahu and dreads the onset of Netanyahu's war. This has got to be a restraining factor on the Obama administration, which prevents them from completely capitulating to Israeli demands.
Let's hope the peaceniks in the Pentagon can hold the fort, because Obama and the Democrats raised the white flag of surrender to the War Party long ago. Here is the most recent edition of the Democratic party platform on the question of war with Iran:
"The President is committed to using all instruments of national power to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. … President Obama believes that a diplomatic outcome remains the best and most enduring solution. At the same time, he has also made clear that the window for diplomacy will not remain open indefinitely and that all options including military force remain on the table. But we have an obligation to use the time and space that exists now to put increasing pressure on the Iranian regime to live up to its obligations and rejoin the community of nations, or face the consequences."
While the platform admits "the Iranians have yet to build a nuclear weapon" it goes on to assert they "cannot demonstrate with any credibility that [their] program is peaceful." Iran is guilty until proven innocent and the standard of proof is impossible. Because the Americans, egged on by the Israelis, will always be asking "How do we know you aren't hiding something from us?" As for evidence, it can always be manufactured, although the key question here is: evidence of what?
The Israelis have set a new standard when it comes to Iran. They insist the red line must be the "breakout" capability, as estimated by Tel Aviv's strategists, of course: that is, the moment when Tehran can theoretically throw together a nuclear weapon of some sort on very short notice.
The catch is that this point exists in theory only: there is no solid evidence the Iranians are pursuing nuclear weapons, and indeed the official US assessment is that they gave up all such attempts in 2003, and haven't resumed. There have been all sorts of rumors that a new intelligence assessment was in the works, but so far it hasn't surfaced. The clear implication is that, as in the Iraq misadventure, key elements of the intelligence community are refusing to drink the Israeli Kool-Aid: Dempsey's dissent is the first unequivocal and clear voice raised against the prospect of fighting an unnecessary war for Israel's sake.

You won't find that in the Democratic platform.

Quote:LETTER FROM TEL AVIV

THE VEGETARIAN

A notorious spymaster becomes a dissident.

BY DAVID REMNICKSEPTEMBER 3, 2012

ABSTRACT: LETTER FROM TEL AVIV about former Mossad chief Meir Dagan's opposition to a unilateral Israeli strike against Iran. Earlier this month, the liberal Israeli novelist David Grossman published an op-ed in Haaretz decrying Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's fevered declarations that he might soon order a unilateral strike on Iran and its nuclear facilities. Since early last year, Israelis have witnessed a dissidence of a variety almost unknown since the founding of the state. Even as Netanyahu and his Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, routinely speak of an imminent "existential threat" from Teheran, comparable to that of the Nazis in 1939, a growing number of leading intelligence and military officials, active and retired, have made plain their opposition to a unilateral Israeli strike. They include the Army Chief of Staff, the Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, the heads of the two main intelligence agencies, the Mossad (Israel's C.I.A.) and Shin Bet (its F.B.I.), President Shimon Peres, and members of Netanyahu's cabinet. Apart from Peres, these men are anything but liberals. Recently, the writer met with Meir Dagan, who was the director of the Institute for Intelligence and Special Operationsthe Mossadfrom 2002 until January, 2011. Dagan is known as a ruthless agent; his career is said to have included operations of all kindscar bombings, poisonings, cyberwar. He was also the earliest and is arguably the most authoritative of the dissident security chiefs. Dagan was born in 1945, on the floor of a train, as his family was being deported from the Soviet Union to a Nazi detention camp in Poland. In 1950, his family sailed for Israel aboard a cattle boat, and they eventually settled in Bat Yam, south of Tel Aviv. As a soldier, Dagan won the admiration of Ariel Sharon. In 1970, Sharon ordered him to create a special "elimination" unit, dedicated to hunting down suspected terrorists in Gaza. Dagan worked in various military and security jobs until 2002, when Sharon, then Prime Minister, appointed Dagan the director of the Mossad. Under his leadership, the Mossad was credited with a string of high-stakes operations. The singular focus of Dagan's work was Iran's nuclear program. Under Dagan's direction, and in coöperation with Western intelligence agencies, the Mossad is believed to have been involved in all the main efforts to sabotage Iran's nuclear progress. Just days before stepping down as director of the Mossad, Dagan began what amounted to an extended public denunciation of Netanyahu's Iran policy. In the months that followed, he became increasingly frank in his opposition to an attack. This was astonishing. "An Israeli bombing," Dagan said, "would lead to a regional war and solve the internal problems of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It would galvanize Iranian society behind the leadership and create unity around the nuclear issue. And it would justify Iran in rebuilding its nuclear project and saying, Look, see, we were attacked by the Zionist enemy and we clearly need to have it.'" Dagan's view that a unilateral Israeli strike would intensify, not diminish, the danger posed by Iran is now the general view of the dissident politicians and security chiefs. Dagan believes that the West and Israel should do all they can to foment regime change in Iran by supporting the Iranian opposition. Discusses the fraught relationship between Netanyahu and the Obama Administration. Mentions Moshe Ya'alon.






David Remnick, Letter from Tel Aviv, "The Vegetarian," The New Yorker, September 3, 2012, p. 22
Read more http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2012/09/03/120903fa_fact_remnick#ixzz25gg6f3yo

Quote:What covert ops did former Mossad chief lead in Lebanon prior to 1982 invasion?

A well known method which Israeli reporters use to bypass the military censorship is to take the story to the foreign press, (at the price of losing exclusivity, but sometimes journalists just want to get the stuff out). In the New Yorker profile of formar Mossad head Meir Dagan, this paragraph appears:

Far from everything is known about Dagan's career. Two reporters for Yediot Ahronot, Yigal Sarna and Anat Tal-Shir, once investigated a story that, before Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, which was aimed at rooting out Yasir Arafat and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Dagan led a secret unit across the border whose mission was to instigate terrorist events that would justify an incursion. Military censor killed the story, Sarna told me. Dagan acknowledges the censorship but denies the thrust of the story.

I posted this paragraph in Hebrew on my Facebook wall. Sarna commented:
Indeed, the censorship [on these stories] has been on for years. Horrifying things were done there, not just planned. http://972mag.com/what-covert-ops-did-former-mossad-chief-lead-in-lebanon-prior-to-1982-invasion/55211/

Adele Edisen Wrote:(If you may remember, Congress did not declare war in Vietnan. This action in the Cpngress appears to be a sincere effort to restrain any rush to war by restoring the power to declare war to Congress, as specified in the US Constitution. - AE)


Adele